Update on CoSA funding

Susan Love is the CoSA Program Co-ordinator in Ottawa. The following text was circulated through the Smart Justice Network and reprinted with Susan’s permission in order to provide an update on funding to Circles of Support and Accountability (CoSA)

As many of you have heard, on February 21st CoSA sites across Canada were informed by Correctional Services Canada (CSC) that contracts would not be renewed after March 2014. After a vigorous letter campaign by CoSA providers and many supporters like you, to key stakeholders, in particular, Public Safety Minister Steven Blaney, CSC reversed their decision and contracts are now being drawn up for the new fiscal year. CSC was providing $650,000/yr spread across all CoSA sites in Canada – this is the amount they have agreed to reinstate. For us in Ottawa, this represents $12,000/yr. The funds from CSC, together with the 5 year funding 16 CoSA sites have been receiving from the National Crime Prevention Centre (NCPC), total $2.2M/yr. The NCPC funding concludes on September 30, 2014, with no option for renewal.

The funds from both CSC and NCPC have allowed CoSA sites to operate at capacity – including: hiring at least one full time and one part time staff and rent office space. This has allowed us to maximize the number of core members (former offenders) we can work with.

Although we are very pleased that CSC has agreed to reinstate their funding to us, we are concerned that with the loss of the NCPC funds, which represents approximately 80% of our budget at CoSA-Ottawa, we will be forced to reduce our operations considerably, directly affecting the number of core members we can safely manage. Although we have been vigorously seeking alternate sources of revenue, fundraising over $15,000 this year, we have found that our mandate does not align with the priorities of most private funding organizations. If you have any suggestions of possible funding sources, or would like to discuss this, we would love to hear from you.

Thank you so much for your support, concern and advocacy during this difficult time,
Susan Love
CoSA Program Coordinator

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Open letter re: funding cuts to CoSA

Circles of Support and Accountability (C0SA) is an internationally acclaimed program that helps prevent high-risk sex offenders from reoffending. Operating on the strength of 700 volunteers, this Canada-wide program currently supports over 150 sex offenders.

But Public Safety Canada has announced that it will cut close to 20% of CoSA’s funding (a loss of $656,000) as of the end of this month. In September, the program will lose even more of its funding.

Although results of an extensive evaluation won’t be available until September, existing research suggests that sexual recidivism rates for men who participate in CoSA are 80% lower compared to men who do not participate.

The following is an open letter to the Minister of Public Safety, the Hon. Steve Blaney

Honourable Steve Blaney
Minister of Public Safety
House of Commons
Ottawa, ON K1A 0A6

Dear Honourable Blaney,

I am writing to you to express my concern over the termination of funding to the Circles of Support and Accountability (C0SA), a program with a proven track record of helping high-risk sex offenders and lowering recidivism rates.

CoSA is internationally acclaimed for its success. It has projects across Canada and currently supports over 150 sex offenders. Because so much of the work is done by  teams of committed volunteers, this program operates on an annual budget of only $2.2 million.

It is incomprehensible to me why the Department of Public Safety removes funding from such a successful, cost-effective operation. The government claims to want to protect Canadians and keep our streets safe. Yet you are taking away from a program that has been keeping Canadians safer by reducing sexual offences.

Your Department’s National Crime Prevention Centre has invested funds in evaluating the effectiveness of CoSA. The results are expected at the end of this year. Cutting funding to CoSA without waiting for the results of this study is a waste of the tax-payers’ money that funded it.

I respectfully ask that the Department of Public Safety reinstate funding for CoSA immediately and maintain funding until the results of the evaluation from the National Crime Prevention Centre are available. I trust that the evaluation will then demonstrate that CoSA deserves continued funding and support from your Department.

I look forward to your response on this matter.

Respectfully,
Anita Grace

cc: The Honourable Stephen Harper, Prime Minister
Don Head, Commissioner of the Correctional Service of Canada
Anne Kelly, Senior Deputy Commissioner of the Correctional Service of Canada
Therese Leblanc, Regional Deputy Commissioner of the Correctional Service of Canada
Johanne Vallee, Regional Deputy Commissioner of the Correctional Service of Canada
Lori MacDonald, Regional Deputy Commissioner of the Correctional Service of Canada
Brenda LePage, Regional Deputy Commissioner of the Correctional Service of Canada
Peter German, Regional Deputy Commissioner of the Correctional Service of Canada
Randall Garrison, NDP Public Safety Critic
Wayne Easter, Liberal Public Safety Critic
Elizabeth May, Leader of the Green Party

Mothers behind the bars of Canadian prisons

In the last decade, the number of women being incarcerated in Canada is growing at a disturbingly high rate. Between 2003 and 2013, the female federal inmate population increased by more than 60%. For Aboriginal women, the incarceration rate has increased by over 87%.

The harsh government policies which are imprisoning so many women not only impacts those serving time behind bars. Their families suffer too since the majority of incarcerated women in Canada are mothers. Not only that, they are often the sole custodial parents and primary caregivers of their children. They were likely to have been living with their children prior to being incarcerated. Imagine the upheaval caused by the separation. What happens to the children? What happens to the mothers?

Sometimes there is something sensational that happens that draws public attention to the fact that we are incarcerating mothers. For example, in 2012, a young mother gave birth to her son alone in a jail cell of the Ottawa Carleton Detention Centre, while guards and nurses allegedly ignored her cries of pain.

But for the most part, we are ignorant about the majority of those who are incarcerated, and especially of the children they leave behind. If we knew more, would we still accept the regressive policies that will only see more women, more mothers, locked up?

If you are interested in knowing more, a recent book, Incarcerated Mothers: Oppression and Resistance, brings together several essays examining the experience of incarcerated mothers, both in Canada in abroad. Authors show that despite lip-service to mothers’ rights to have contact with their children while in custody, the lived experience is quite different.

You can also view a short video called Bonding Through Bars.

If you have any comments about mothers behind bars, please leave them below.

Letter to Prime Minister Harper re: Ashley Smith Inquest

A second coroner’s inquest is currently underway regarding the death of Ashley Smith, a 19-year old prisoner who choked herself to death in 2007 while prison guards watched. The facts which are coming to light during this inquest are deeply disturbing. This young woman with recognized mental-health problems was repeatedly assaulted and restrained through force and drugs. She spent the last year of her life in prolonged segregation and was transferred 17 times among nine institutions in five provinces. Her story is tragic. But unfortunately, it is not an isolated case.

Below is a letter based upon one drafted by Ottawa’s Criminalization and Punishment Education Project. I encourage anyone concerned about how individuals with mental health are mistreated within the Canadian criminal justice system to copy and adapt this letter and send it to the Prime Minister.

 

23 January 2012

The Right Honourable Stephen Harper, P.C.,
Office of the Prime Minister
80 Wellington Street
Ottawa ON K1A 0A2

Dear Prime Minister:

I am deeply concerned with our current criminal justice practices that penalize vulnerable people who, with the proper resources, would be better served in our communities. Where the death of Ashley Smith is a tragedy, it is unfortunately not an isolated incident. As Prime Minister of Canada, you are in the unique position with the combined authority and responsibility to act on behalf of and protect the people of this great country – today, I urge you take that step.

As I am sure you are aware, in his Annual Report to Mr Vic Toews, Minister of Public Safety, the Correctional Investigator of Canada estimates that one in 10 men and nearly one in three women in federal prisons have mental health concerns. According to a recent CBC news report, the Ottawa police respond to more than 4,000 calls involving the Mental Health Act each year, and they estimate that there are about 20 times more calls a year with a mental health component. The policing and subsequent criminalization of those with mental health concerns is an ongoing and increasing reality that will not be resolved by a crime control agenda.

Prisons are not treatment centres, nor are prison staff mental health professionals. Prison staff are trained to enforce prison policy, not to recognize mental health concerns in prisoner conduct. In prisons, mental health concerns are repeatedly viewed through a lens of security and risk, rather than treated as a health related issue. The result is that far too many prisoners, like Ashley, are responded to in punitive ways that only escalate health problems rather than resolve them. Punitive responses to mental illness directly interfere with and undermine the goal of correctional facilities to rehabilitate and reintegrate individuals serving custodial sentences.

I am writing to request that you take that first step to protect our most vulnerable so that people are treated for their health concerns in appropriately resourced settings and not in ‘corrective’ institutions where security takes precedence over all other concerns.

Under Section 29 of the Corrections and Conditional Release Act:

The Commissioner may authorize the transfer of a person who is sentenced, transferred or committed to a penitentiary to
(a) another penitentiary in accordance with the regulations made under paragraph 96(d), subject to section 28; or
(b) a provincial correctional facility or hospital in accordance with an agreement entered into under paragraph 16(1)(a) and any applicable regulations.

The protocol for the transfer of persons to appropriate facilities designed to address mental illness is designed to ensure that men and women with mental health concerns are receiving the right kind of care. Through your direction and leadership, the Correctional Service of Canada will be in a better position to utilize Section 29 and fulfill their mandate to ensure the safe rehabilitation and reintegration of individuals serving federal sentences.

Today, you have the authority and acumen to do what is right and just. I urge that you not let the practice of jailing our most vulnerable people in Canada continue. I urge that you use your leadership to protect others like Ashley Smith and to uphold the dignity and rights of everyone, so that I can live in a country where I am proud to be Canadian.

Sincerely,
Anita Grace

cc. Randall Garrison
Public Safety Critic

Elizabeth May
Leader of the Green Party of Canada

Tom Mulcair
Leader of the Official Opposition and New Democratic Party of Canada

Daniel Paillé
Leader of the Bloc Québecois

Bob Rae
Leader of the Liberal Party of Canada

Francis Scarpaleggia
Public Safety Critic

The Honourable Vic Toews
Minister of Public Safety

Making sense of crime statistics

Crime Rates 2011

Police-reported crime rates, Canada, 1962 to 2011 – Statistics Canada

This week, Statistics Canada released statistics compiled by the Canadian Centre for Justice Statistics showing that Canada’s crime is at its lowest level in 40 years. Politicians, journalists, pundits and professors quickly responded.

Depending on their point of view, people fault the statistics for failing to consider un-reported crime, or praise them for proving that current crime approaches are working. Some see the drop in crime as a reason to challenge the Conservative plan to expand prisons. While others argue that more still needs to be done to ‘keep criminals off the streets’.

Vic Toews tweets: Crime rate down 6% – shows #CPC tough on crime is working. Rate is still 208% above 1962 levels, more work for our gov’t to do.

Dan Gardner tweets: Some try to pacify Canadians with statistics.” Who said that in 2008? Anyone? That’s right. Stephen Harper.

Whatever your opinion about crime and criminal justice, you’re likely to find someone who can use these statistics to strengthen that view.

So how do we make sense of crime statistics?

Since this Statistics Canada report only includes offences reported to and substantiated by the police, some say the numbers paint an incomplete picture. Irvin Waller, Criminology Professor at Ottawa University, made this argument in an interview the CBC yesterday, pointing out that certain types of crime, especially sexual violence, are under-reported and that surveys which ask people if they have been a victim of crime reveal a higher rate of violence than do the numbers from the police.

But the numbers can be skewed the other way too. For example, Professor Waller noted that domestic violence used to be considered a family matter. When police began treating it more like other types of assault, the rates of reporting this type of crime suddenly spiked. Did this mean there was a surge in domestic violence? Not necessarily. How something is observed can significantly influence how it is reported and understood.

Similarly, these recent statistics show a rise in child pornography and pot possession. But we should be cautious about jumping to the conclusion that these crimes have risen to the same degree that the numbers suggest. Note the legislation that’s been coming out of Ottawa in the last year and see how the government, and subsequently police, are targeting child pornography and cracking down on pot use.

But even if most people will agree that violent crime rates have decreased, the reasons for this decline will be as numerous as pages in an omnibus bill. Have the tough-on-crime approaches been working, or are we seeing the benefits of programs which reintegrate young offenders and target underlying social issues? As John F. Kennedy said, “victory has a thousand fathers but defeat is an orphan.”

I’d be the last person to say that statistics don’t matter, but this latest report has shown that true understanding of crime and criminal justice requires more than a series of numbers and echos of rhetoric.

So if you can help make sense of the statistics, please add your comments below.

Youth Justice Programs Lose Funding

When the government says that it is continuing to fund youth justice programs, you might think that’s a good thing.

Except in this case, with this government, ‘continuing to fund’ actually means slashing funding by 20% – a little detail that was omitted from Justice Minister Rob Nicholson’s June 27th news release. Titled ‘Government of Canada announces continued support to youth justice services’, it sounds like a good news story.

It’s not.

The federal government is cutting $35.6 million used to supervise and rehabilitate young offenders. The annual fund of $177.3  has suddenly dropped to $141.7. This move has stunned provincial ministers, social workers and especially those working with youth in conflict with the law.

And while the government is touting the savings made from this cut, reducing rehabilitation efforts doesn’t actually make much financial sense. As Beth Alkenbrack, a youth counsellor in Thunder Bay working to keep at-risk youth out of jails, told the Toronto Star, “It costs less than $10,000 a year to service a youth with me, and if they’re in a youth justice custody facility, it’s going to cost a minimum of $150,000 a year.”

When taken in conjunction with the recently enacted Omnibus Crime Bill, things are looking very grim for youth justice in Canada. Bill C-10 has meant more young people are being sentenced to jail for less severe crimes and for longer times.

Article 40 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child obligates states to use alternatives to jails as much as possible, with detention as a last resort, and to give priority to rehabilitation, reintegration, and correction. Already Bill C-10 violates the Convention. This recent announcement adds to the shameful disregard of the rights of youth, of effective responses to crime, and of basic common sense.

Aboriginal Incarceration in Canada a National Shame

Emile TherienEmile Therien retired after 18 years as President of the Canada Safety Council in July 2006. He is currently President of PIP – Progress Intelligently Planned, a small enterprise which promotes its services to the non-profit sector, small companies and governments. He is a widely respected spokesperson on public health and safety issues/concerns.


National Aboriginal Day, featuring activities in aboriginal communities across the country, is celebrated on June 21. But as we honour Aboriginal Canadians, we should always keep in mind a great injustice that continues to be perpetuated against them. Incarceration!

First Nations children are more likely to go to jail than to graduate from high school, according to Shawn Atleo, National Chief of the Assembly of First Nations.

In his 2009 annual report, Correctional Investigator Howard Sapers revealed that the rate for Aboriginal incarceration in 2008 was nine times the national average. Figures for 2007/2008 from Statistics Canada show that Aboriginal adults accounted for 22% of admissions to sentenced custody even though they represent only 3% of the population – and one in three federally sentenced women is Aboriginal.

In view of such a deplorable situation, one must ask why the federal government spends only 2% of its prison budget, which now exceeds $3 billion a year, on Aboriginal programs, while passing new crime legislation, Bill C-10, which will put more First Nations people in prison, where they will spend longer periods of time.

For the record, excluding the provincial system, there are over 14,000 federal offenders in custody and about 8,000 in the community on some form of conditional release. The Correctional Services of Canada (CSC) manages over 50 facilities, employs more than 20,000 people, up from 14,000 in 2005-2006, and has an annual budget of $3-billion, up from $1.6 billion in 2005-2006.

Back in 1999, the Supreme Court of Canada made a ruling in a case involving an Aboriginal defendant, a Mr. Gladue. The ruling called on judges, in sentencing Aboriginal people, to exercise discretion, to be sensitive to the historical plight of Canada’s first nations, and always to consider their heritage. The application of this ruling led to what has become known as Gladue Court for Aboriginal people, and the use of Gladue reports when sentencing offenders.

The overall response by the judiciary to that landmark ruling, as evident by the growing incarceration rate of Aboriginals, has been apathetic and sporadic. Its application varies from one extreme to the other, depending on jurisdiction. Of late, judges, in response to inadequate access to native sentencing, have been reducing prison sentences for serious crimes committed by Aboriginals.

In one case in Windsor, when Ontario Superior Court Justice Renée Pomerance sought a Gladue report, she was told the service was not available in that city. She was told Gladue service was only available in Toronto, Brantford-Hamilton, Waterloo-Wellington, Sarnia, London, and parts of Northern Ontario. She declared that compliance with the law should not depend on the jurisdiction where the case is being heard. The law “applies to offenders across Canada, wherever they may reside and wherever they may be sentenced,” she wrote.

Some jurisdictions across the country evidently considered the edict from the Supreme Court of Canada only to be a suggestion. But in March 2012, the Supreme Court reiterated it was a firm requirement. “Courts must take judicial notice of such matters as the history of colonialism, displacement and residential schools and how that history continues to translate into lower educational attainment, lower incomes higher unemployment, higher rates of substance abuse and suicide and, of course, higher levels of incarceration for Aboriginal Peoples,” Justice Louis LeBel wrote. “Failing to take these circumstances into account would violate the fundamental principle of sentencing.”

One expert, Jonathan Rudin, Program Director of Aboriginal Legal Services of Toronto, has argued the situation will lead to a standoff between the courts and the government. Is the Gladue Court yet another failed initiative, further evidence of systemic disrespect and contempt for the rights of native Canadians?

An independent report commissioned by the Correctional Investigator and released in the fall of 2009 examined the situation of aboriginal offenders under federal sentence and found it remains unacceptable. The Mann Report, authored by Michelle Mann, titled Good Intentions, Disappointing Results: A Progress Report on Federal Aboriginal Corrections, describes how correctional outcomes for Aboriginal offenders continue to lag significantly behind those of non-Aboriginal offenders on almost every indicator. It found that the federal correctional service is not doing all it can for Aboriginal offenders and their communities.

To address the problems identified in the Mann Report, and to ensure the legal mandate of the Correctional Service is met, the Correctional Investigator called for the appointment of a Deputy Commissioner for Aboriginal Corrections. This idea was dismissed outright by then Public Safety Minister Peter Van Loan.

In June 2008, Prime Minister Stephen Harper apologized to Canada’s First Nations for this country’s despicable role in the Indian residential schools, a racist program aimed at assimilation and even today blamed for the high rate of Aboriginal incarceration. His apology at the time seemed genuine.

The Harper government claims it is committed to a policy that makes Aboriginals full members of the national economy. Where are the details of this policy? And – of utmost importance – how does it address the crushing rate of incarceration?

– Emile Therien

Links of interest:

Pizzas, Street Parlours and Prisons

Homelessness

EMCP, Carleton University

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exploring, questioning, challenging: research as play

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A photoblog about artisans in the Outaouais River Region, by Philippe Mineau, owner, Mineau Media

loveOttawa

the big city with small town heart!

Centre of Criminology Library Blog

Critical perspectives on social justice